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Alcohol Consumption In The US By The Numbers

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Alcohol Consumption In The US By The Numbers

In the U.S., alcohol consumption remains widespread, with nearly half the population aged 12 or older reporting that they consumed alcohol within the past month.

This visualization, via Visual Capitalist’s Niccolo Conte, explores the scale of drinking behavior across America, including how many people drink, binge drink, or engage in heavier levels of alcohol use, using data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration as of 2024.

How Many Americans Drink Alcohol Regularly?

Out of the 288.8 million Americans aged 12 or older, 134 million (46.5%) reported drinking alcohol at least once in the past 30 days.

The data table below shows the number of regular alcohol drinkers in the U.S., along with binge drinkers and heavy drinkers.

 

Binge drinkers are defined as those who consumed five or more drinks (four for women) on one occasion, and heavy drinkers are those who engaged in binge drinking at least five times in the past 30 days.

 

Despite alcohol drinkers making up nearly half of the U.S. population of those aged 12 or older, the share in 2024 (46.5%) has declined slightly since 2022 when it was 48.7%.

The Number of Binge and Heavy Drinkers in the U.S.

Of the 134.3 million alcohol drinkers in the U.S., 57.9 million people engaged in binge drinking, which represents 20.1% of the total population and 43.1% of all alcohol users.

This reveals a significant overlap between casual use and occasional high-risk consumption, highlighting how binge drinking behavior is deeply embedded within the broader drinking population.

Heavy alcohol users—those who binge drink on at least five days in the past month—number 14.5 million in America. This represents 5% of the total population above 12 years old and 10.8% of alcohol users.

While this group is much smaller than the broader categories of alcohol and binge drinkers, heavy drinkers make up one quarter of all binge drinkers, and account for one in every 10 regular alcohol drinkers in the country.

To learn more about alcohol consumption in the U.S., check out this graphic which breaks down which U.S. states drink the most beer.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 22:45

Putin Might Soon Clinch A Large-Scale Labor Migration Deal With Modi

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Putin Might Soon Clinch A Large-Scale Labor Migration Deal With Modi

Authored by Andrew Korybko via Substack,

Putin will visit India late next week to meet with Modi for their annual summit, the first time that the Russian leader will travel to India since the special operation began, his last one being in December 2021.

Aleksei Zakharov, a Fellow at India’s esteemed Observer Research Foundation, published a detailed article about how “Key Policy Outcomes Expected at the India-Russia Summit”.

It’s an excellent read, but it omits mention of their large-scale labor migration talks, which might lead to a deal next week.

Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retired), the former Director-General of the Center for Air Power Studies in New Delhi, published an intriguing piece about this at RT in early November.

He noted how both countries representatives “discussed potential collaboration on social and labor issues”, contextualizing their conversation by adding that Russia “plans to recruit up to 1 million foreign workers – including from India. The Russian Labor Ministry estimates the shortfall could expand to 3.1 million workers by 2030.”

He makes a lot of compelling arguments about how India could help resolve this dimension of “Russia’s demography problem”, but what’s left out is how its labor migrants pose less of a security risk than Russia’s traditional ones from Central Asia. Conor Gallagher touched upon this in early November in his extensively detailed analysis about the US’ evolving strategy towards that region. From this point here near the end for the next several paragraphs, he describes Russia’s new approach towards migration.

Not only is Russia “getting rid of 700,000-plus migrants, mostly Central Asians, a process which was jumpstarted by the terrorist attack on Crocus City Hall in outer Moscow in March 2024”, but “the Concept of State Migration Policy for 2026-2030…focuses not on increasing the population through Central Asian citizens, but on strengthening control, digitalization, and the task of attracting only those migrants who share the ‘traditional spiritual and moral values’ of Russian society.”

Putin spoke about the security threats posed by “the migration factor” in early November during a meeting with the Council on Interethnic Relations where they discussed ways to fine-tune the State Interethnic Policy, the updated version of which was then approved by month’s end. It’s not declared, but the innuendo is that Central Asian Muslims are at a greater risk of radicalism and being manipulated by foreign forces than other labor migrants such as Indians (both Muslims and especially Hindus).

It’s within this economic-security context that Russia is exploring a large-scale migrant labor deal with India that might be clinched during the Putin-Modi Summit. To be clear, recent policy changes won’t lead to Indians playing a role in “population replacement”, only in labor replacement since most likely won’t be offered a path to residency and then citizenship. The sole purpose is for Indians to meet Russia’s labor shortage in lieu of Central Asian Muslims in exchange for profitable remittance opportunities.

Indians are among the most Russian-friendly people in the world as proven by credible surveys, and unlike Central Asian Muslims, they harbor no historical grievances (whether objectively existing or subjectively perceived) that could be manipulated by foreign forces to weaponize them against Russia.

Their society is also proudly secular and this makes them much less likely to be radicalized into terrorists.

It therefore wouldn’t be surprising if Putin clinches a large-scale labor migration deal with Modi.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 22:10

Former NASDAQ-Listed Exec Sentenced To Life In Prison Over Murder-For-Hire Plot

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Former NASDAQ-Listed Exec Sentenced To Life In Prison Over Murder-For-Hire Plot

The First Assistant U.S. Attorney for Vermont announced that on November 24, 2025, Chief Judge Christina Reiss sentenced Serhat Gumrukcu, 43, of Los Angeles—formerly the “scientific founder”, “inventor” and largest shareholder of publicly listed Enochian Biosciences, which eventually became Renovaro—to life in prison for the January 6, 2018, murder-for-hire of Gregory Davis in Barnet, Vermont.

Gumrukcu was first brought to the attention of market participants by former short seller Hindenburg Research back in 2022 who called his company a $600 million Nasdaq-listed scam “based on a lifetime of lies”. 

A jury convicted him in April 2025 of murder-for-hire, conspiracy to commit murder-for-hire, and conspiracy to commit wire fraud, according to the DOJ

Gumrukcu had formerly been praised by Enochian (then Renovaro) CEO Mark Dybul – who once worked under Anthony Fauci at the National Institute of Health – with Dybul writing in November 2019 that he was “one of those rare geniuses that is not bound by scientific discipline or dogma”. Hindenburg then accused Dybul of turning a “blind eye to outrageous fraud” perpetrated by Gumrukcu in a stunning follow up report after the “inventor’s” death. 

The Department of Justice press release says that his co-conspirators were sentenced in September 2025: Berk Eratay received 110 months of imprisonment followed by three years of supervised release; Aron Ethridge received 140 months followed by five years of supervised release; and Jerry Banks received 200 months followed by five years of supervised release.

According to prosecutors, Gumrukcu ordered Davis’s killing because Davis threatened legal action over a failed oil-commodities deal that was also the basis of Gumrukcu’s wire-fraud conviction. Gumrukcu also feared that Davis would interfere with a biotech merger involving his claimed HIV “cure.”

Evidence showed that Eratay enlisted Ethridge, who then hired Banks. On January 6, 2018, Banks posed as a Deputy U.S. Marshal and abducted Davis from his Vermont home; Davis’s body was found the next day nearby. Communications, financial records, and location data documented the dispute between Gumrukcu and Davis and tied Gumrukcu, Eratay, Ethridge, and Banks to the crime.

At sentencing, Melissa Davis, the victim’s widow, thanked investigators and prosecutors. She praised the Vermont State Police “for every call, every update,” the FBI for its “coordination across state lines” and “relentless pursuit of truth,” and the prosecution team whose “strength, commitment, and unwavering pursuit of justice…will stay with me for the rest of my life.”

She said she often felt proud in court, “knowing God had appointed each of you to pursue justice for Gregg,” and also expressed gratitude to her victim advocate, the U.S. Marshals Service, and Chief Judge Reiss.

A supposed mind-reading magician turned biomedical entrepreneur, Gumrukcu mingled with Hollywood elites and earned millions through unconventional medical ventures. But during his five-week trial in Burlington, he faced a far different spotlight—three days on the witness stand, denying involvement in the 2018 murder-for-hire of former business partner Gregory Davis.

Though he claimed innocence, Gumrukcu admitted under oath to lying to authorities and said he’d told “so many lies” in past deals he couldn’t remember them all. He acknowledged buying a fake medical degree from Russia, calling it “cheating,” and described his younger self as “arrogant,” advocating unorthodox treatments like leeches and mistletoe.

As part of their investigation into Enochian and Gumrukcu, Hindenburg Research ordered the very same degree to prove that it was fake back in 2022. 

Prosecutors argued Gumrukcu had Davis killed to prevent him from exposing fraud tied to a failed oil deal—one that could have derailed a lucrative biomedical contract with Enochian BioSciences.

“Gregg Davis was a problem for the defendant,” said prosecutor Paul Van de Graaf. “It was the defendant who paid for the murder.”

Van de Graaf outlined how Gumrukcu financed the $200,000 plot, with testimony from three co-conspirators, including former assistant Berk Eratay. Eratay claimed Gumrukcu told him he wanted to “get rid of a problem,” prompting Eratay to enlist others, including hitman Jerry Banks. Banks testified he posed as a U.S. marshal, kidnapped Davis, and executed him in rural Vermont.

Defense attorney Ethan Balogh argued it was Eratay who “ran the op,” not Gumrukcu. He said the funds were meant for a cryptocurrency project and portrayed Davis as untrustworthy. Balogh accused the three key witnesses—who took plea deals to avoid life sentences—of lying to save themselves: “These men were all going to die in the cage.”

Prosecutors countered that none of them had a reason to kill Davis—except Gumrukcu. As Van de Graaf said, even “peaceful” men can outsource their violence.

As Hindenburg noted in a subsequent report, the story of Gumrukcu’s rise and fall, up to awaiting trial was chronicled in a podcast produced by Amazon’s Wondery (SpotifyApple).

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 21:35

Escape Velocity: Why America’s 1963 Poverty Math Is Broken

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Escape Velocity: Why America’s 1963 Poverty Math Is Broken

Authored by Peter Earle via the American Institute for Economic Research (AIER),

In a recent analysis gone viral, financial blogger Michael W. Green traced how modern American families can earn anywhere from $40,000 to $100,000 and still fall further behind. The argument is devastatingly simple: the mathematical parameters defining “poverty” are built upon a benchmark drawn in 1963, multiplied by three, and only lightly adjusted for inflation. Everything else—childcare, healthcare, housing, transportation, and the structural design of the welfare state—has transformed beyond recognition. The result is a system in which the official poverty line tells us less about deprivation than it does about starvation. And once you trace the math, the inescapable metaphor emerges: America’s working households require escape velocity to break free from the gravitational well of modern costs of living.

In physics, escape velocity is the minimum energy needed to break free from a body’s gravitational pull. Below that threshold, every burst of energy merely bends the trajectory and drops the object back into orbit. The same dynamic now governs mobility in the United States.

Using conservative assumptions, a bare-bones “participation budget,” the minimal cost necessary for a household to work, raise children, and avoid freefall, is roughly between $136,000 to $150,000. That figure doesn’t represent luxurious living; it’s the updated application of Mollie Orshansky’s original method, which assumed food was one-third of a household’s budget. Today, food is closer to 5 to 7 percent, and the real multipliers reside in the unavoidable costs of existing in a post-industrial service economy. The system still uses the original 1963 architecture, so the “poverty line” is measured as if housing, childcare, and healthcare still operated like they did during the Kennedy administration.

Below this new-era threshold, income gains are eaten by benefit cliffs: the loss of Medicaid, SNAP, childcare subsidies, and at that same point a sudden, full exposure to market prices in sectors that the United States has spent decades distorting through subsidies, mandates, and regulatory sclerosis. A family can leap from $45,000 to $65,000 and end up poorer, because the system confiscates more than 100 percent of that incremental income. From that perspective, it’s not irrational to stay put rather than aggressively seek higher earnings that will only bring more hardship and deprivation.

Using the 1963 poverty line today is like measuring the distance from Earth to the moon with a yardstick whose markings have been sandblasted away. It ensures two outcomes.

First, because the benchmark is too low, benefits are means-tested too early.

The ladder gets sawed off halfway up. The poor face marginal tax rates that would make a hedge fund blanch, and the working poor find that one extra dollar of income can trigger thousands of dollars in lost benefits. The mathematics are inherently punitive, punishing upward mobility and the productive instincts that animate it.

Second, persistent inflation, especially in non-discretionary categories, reshapes the spending basket faster than the poverty formula can adjust.

This is not purely the result of supply-and-demand fundamentals. It is a direct consequence of decades of monetary expansion, financial repression, interest-rate suppression, and regulatory barriers that choke off the supply in housing, healthcare, education, and childcare. When the Federal Reserve aims to stabilize macroeconomic aggregates, it also inadvertently distorts the production of essential goods that determine whether a family can remain afloat. Price levels matter for survival even if economic science has come to prefer analyzing rates of change.

A similar mismatch between past prices and present reality—the real versus nominal divide—haunts the financial system. The $10,000 reporting requirement for bank transfers was created in the early 1970s, when $10,000 represented a down payment on a house. Today it represents two or three months’ rent in many cities—or a single dental emergency. Inflation has quietly turned an anti-money-laundering threshold into a mass-surveillance dragnet for normal people performing normal transactions. That same inflation, coupled with outdated benchmarks, now pushes American families into poverty by statistical invisibility and brutally repels attempts at upward mobility.

When escape velocity is $140–$150k, and the effective marginal tax rate is 80–120 percent, buying scratch-off tickets ceases to be obviously irrational. One needs a tremendous economic leap of roughly $100,000 a year to continue living without disruption. In a nonlinear system with cliffs and arbitrary phase changes, a low-probability high-payout gamble can be mathematically defensible. Tilting at heavy-tailed payoffs is not illogical; it is a response to a payoff structure policymakers engineered.

A likely response, politically, is to suggest simply lifting eligibility all the way up to the true cost-of-living threshold. But indexing benefits to the real cost of American life would balloon federal outlays by trillions. Extending Medicaid, SNAP, housing subsidies, and childcare credits to households making $140,000 would produce deficit dynamics that would make the 2020–2021 stimulus era look mild and restrained. The welfare state is already actuarially fragile; expanding it to cover half the U.S. population would collapse it.

On the other hand, three somewhat simple reforms could help restore a sane poverty escape velocity:

  • Use a modern participation-budget approach, not a 1963 grocery multiple. If there is to be a social safety net, it should be driven by means testing which phases out smoothly, not falls off cliffs.

  • Deregulate housing, healthcare, childcare, and education: the sectors where supply is most strangled by regulation. Deregulation—particularly zoning, certificate of need lawslicensing, and insurance mandates—would create downward price pressure far more powerful than subsidies.

  • The Federal Reserve’s century-long experiment with cheap money has inflated asset prices, destroyed purchasing power, raised the cost of entry into middle-class life, and widened the gap between wages and participation requirements. A quick fix could be rendered by shifting from discretion to a rules-based monetary regime (whether Taylor-style, commodity-linked, or another transparent, market-tested anchor) to stabilize prices and reduce the boom-bust cycles that erode household stability.

America’s primary poverty crisis is not moral failure, laziness, or poor financial literacy. It is math. A system built on 1963 assumptions cannot function in a 2025 reality.

Until the parameters shift, which is to say until lawmakers acknowledge the true cost of participation, that escape velocity will remain impossibly out of reach for tens of millions. The tragedy is not that people are failing; it is that the system is calibrated for a world that has not existed in over three generations.

There is no reform, no genuine improvement in the condition of the poor, no revival in the living standards of consumers—or of any American who works—without monetary reform beginning at the very top, with the Federal Reserve.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ZeroHedge.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 21:00

China Factory Activity Contracts In Longest Stretch On Record As Economy Sinks

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China Factory Activity Contracts In Longest Stretch On Record As Economy Sinks

China’s factory activity staged a slight improvement in November, but once again printed below the median estimate and extended its streak of declines to a record as the country’s economic slowdown deepens. 

The official manufacturing PMI rose to 49.2 from 49.0 in October but remained below the 50 mark that separates growth and contraction for an eighth month. The median estimate of economists surveyed by Bloomberg was 49.4.

Adding insult to injury, the official non-manufacturing PMI fell to 49.5 from 50.1, below the 50.0 consensus forecast, and dropping into contraction for the first time since the economy reopened in 2023l it was driven by weakness in the real estate and residential services sectors. 

The readings offer a preliminary glimpse of how the world’s second-biggest economy fared in November, after months of global trade turbulence and an unprecedented decline in investment. They suggest that GDP extended its decline and is now well below the 4.8% level Beijing pretends China is growing at. So far this quarter, industrial production had its smallest gain since the start of the year…

… while exports unexpectedly contracted, as global demand failed to offset the slump in shipments to the US. 

According to Bloomberg Economics, the November PMI pointed to continuing broad economic weakness and hinted at a further down-drift in consumption. Services dropped sharply into contraction, a stark contrast to the flat reading in 2024 after the long October holiday. Manufacturing and construction also remained in contraction, despite a modest seasonal rebound.

The good news is that tensions with the US eased modestly after a temporary truce last month following a meeting in South Korea between Presidents Donald Trump and Xi Jinping. Even so, key details of the deal, including questions over Chinese shipments of rare earths, are still being negotiated, underscoring the fragility of the agreement. In fact, as reported here previously, there is still no actual rare earths agreement.

Meanwhile, a diplomatic spat with Japan in recent weeks has added to trade uncertainty, as China contemplates economic countermeasures.

Beyond geopolitical risks, weak domestic demand is still casting a pall over the outlook for Chinese factories. Growth in retail sales slowed for the fifth straight month in October, the longest such streak since the country shuttered shops because of the Covid pandemic more than four years ago.

As Bloomberg notes, the recent downswing in the economy doesn’t mean that additional stimulus measures are on the table. Chinese policymakers are in no rush to act now that their annual growth target of around 5% for this year looks to be within reach. Meanwhile, China’s credit growth – previously the envy of the western world – has slowed to a trickle as the demand simply isn’t there, as Beijing is scared to making China’s massive debt bubble even bigger. 

China already injected additional stimulus worth 1 trillion yuan ($141 billion) since late September, including unused bond quota for provinces to expand investment and repay arrears owed to companies, as well as new funding for policy banks to spur investment. That, however, has not been enough, as we reported recently in “China Prepares New Property Stimulus Package As Housing Crisis Enters Year Six.”

Looking at the next five years, Beijing has made clear it plans to keep tech and manufacturing as the top priorities even as it pledged to “significantly” boost the share of consumption in its economy. Net exports contributed nearly a third of China’s growth this year.

China’s economic growth decelerated last quarter to the slowest pace in a year. Analysts see a further slowdown, forecasting the weakest this quarter since the final three months of 2022, when the nation was nearing the end of its Covid Zero lockdowns.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 20:25

OPEC+ Confirms Plan To Pause Output Hikes In Q1

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OPEC+ Confirms Plan To Pause Output Hikes In Q1

OPEC+ agreed to pause production hikes and leave oil output levels unchanged for the first quarter of 2026 at its meetings on Sunday as the group slows down its push to regain market share amid fears of a looming supply glut.

Eight OPEC+ members have paused oil output hikes for the first quarter of 2026 after releasing some 2.9 million barrels per day into the market since April 2025, and Sunday’s meeting reaffirmed that decision, OPEC said in a statement.

OPEC+ still has about 3.24 million bpd of output cuts in place, representing around 3% of global demand. The Sunday meetings did not alter those. These comprise a 2 million bpd oil output cut by most members which is in place until the end of 2026, and the remaining 1.24 million bpd of a 1.65 million bpd reduction that the eight members started to return to the market in October.

Additionally, Reuters reports that the OPEC+ group had approved a mechanism to assess members’ maximum production capacity to be used for setting output baselines from 2027, against which members’ output targets are set. The assessment will be done between January and September 2026, sources said after the meetings, in time for 2027 output quotas to be decided.

One company will assess capacity of 19 of the 22 OPEC+ members, the sources said. Capacity in countries that are under sanctions will be assessed either by a separate company or by using an average of their oil output figures for August through October 2026.

Among the OPEC+ members, Russia, Iran and Venezuela are under Western sanctions.

“The message from the group was clear: stability outweighs ambition at a time when the market outlook is deteriorating rapidly,” said Jorge Leon, a former OPEC official who now works as head of geopolitical analysis at Rystad Energy. 

The meeting of OPEC+ came during a fresh U.S. effort to broker a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine, which could add to oil supply if sanctions on Russia are eased. If the peace deal fails, Russia could see its supply curbed further by sanctions. Alternatively, a peace deal could unleash millions of “clean” barrels on markets that have been locked out since 2022. 

OPEC+ has been discussing the production capacity and quotas issue for years and it has proved difficult because some members such as the United Arab Emirates have increased capacity and want higher quotas.

Other members such as African countries have seen declines in production capacity but are resisting quota cuts. Angola quit the group in 2024 over a disagreement about its production quotas.

Brent crude closed on Friday near $63 a barrel, down 15% this year; it has been in a mostly straight decline since the 2nd quarter of 2024.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 20:11

USPS Built Mail System On Foreign Truck Drivers, Now Expects Special Treatment From Law

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USPS Built Mail System On Foreign Truck Drivers, Now Expects Special Treatment From Law

Submitted by American Truckers United,

When the Department of Transportation’s September 29, 2025 emergency rule exposed 200,000 fraudulently issued non-domiciled CDLs—many held by individuals with no legal work authorization—most of the trucking industry braced for a painful but necessary correction. The U.S. Postal Service did something far worse: it threw a tantrum and refused to comply.

USPS briefly tried following the law by barring these drivers from postal loads. The result? Instant paralysis. Routes were abandoned, trailers sat empty, and delays exploded nationwide. Why does the USPS have a disproportionate number of Non-Domicile CDLs?

While the broader trucking market absorbed the initial shock because these non-domiciled CDLs represent only a fraction of most capacity, USPS discovered—to its horror—that its own contractor network had become grotesquely dependent on these very drivers. In other words, the Postal Service had systematically replaced lawful American drivers with cheaper, unregulated labor holding these licenses, creating a house of cards that collapsed the moment federal rules were enforced.

Instead of accepting responsibility for building an illegal-labor-dependent system, USPS executives did the unthinkable. Senior Vice President Pete Routsolias went on an emergency call and admitted they “didn’t understand the magnitude” of their own reliance—then ordered an immediate return to using the banned drivers. Translation: because USPS is one of the worst offenders in flooding its network with fraudulent CDLs, it believes it deserves special treatment that no one else gets.

That is outrageous. Being the most addicted to illegal labor does not grant special treatment under federal safety rules; it is an indictment of years of reckless outsourcing decisions and willful blindness that displaced American workers and compromised highway safety.  We can expect to see this same type of outcry from a few more shippers who have engineered and profited by going all in on this capacity.  The damage you have done to American Carriers and American Truck drivers does not get a FREE PASS.

America’s chain of custody for our mail will not be held hostage by an agency that chose lawbreakers over lawful citizens. Fix the mess you made, USPS—now—not in two years.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 19:50

The Illusion Of Progress & The Pursuit Of ‘More’

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The Illusion Of Progress & The Pursuit Of ‘More’

Authored by Anthony Deden via Forum Geopolitica,

The Illusion of Progress

This essay was born out of revulsion to an accidental summer reading that paraded progress as virtue and private equity as its high priest. Every paragraph spoke the same pious language of “sustainable improvement,” “societal benefit,” and “longterm value creation,” as though leverage, asset-stripping, and balance-sheet cosmetics had become moral acts. I found myself revolted not merely by the hypocrisy, but by the vacuousness of it. In our hyper-financialized society, we have come to mistake valuation for value, and activity for achievement. The word ‘progress’ has been exploited to justify anything that moves—no matter what it destroys. What follows is an act of refusal to bow to the idea that more money is progress. If this essay has a motive, it is contempt for the trivial slogans that pass as thought, and for the hollow theory that confuses financial engineering with human improvement.

“Illusion is the first of all pleasures.”

– VOLTAIRE. LA PUCELLE D’ORLÉANS. ÉDITION LONDON: [PUBLISHER UNSPECIFIED], 1756. EPILOGUE.

Once upon a time, progress meant a tangible conquest of necessity—something that could be seen, held, and mended. Progress was the story of men and women mastering nature through invention: the plough that turned survival into surplus, the compass that unlocked the seas, the printing press that scattered learning beyond the cloister. Each advance widened the circle of freedom and gave shape to civilization’s rise.

The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries quickened that rise. Steam compressed distance, iron bridged rivers and continents, and the telegraph carried thought at the speed of light. Gaslight and electricity stretched the day, and clean water, sanitation, and medicine pushed death to the margins of daily life. Progress could be counted in engines built, bricks laid, and diseases conquered. It was visible, measurable, and grounded in use.

Furthermore, the results were tangible. Between 1800 and 1900, average life expectancy in Western Europe rose from about 35 to 55 years. Real wages roughly tripled. Literacy spread from a minority to the great majority of the population. A factory worker’s wage could buy more food, clothing, and comfort than an artisan’s income a century earlier. A home might possess running water, heat, light, and—by the early twentieth century—affordable transport and communication. Progress was not an abstraction: it could be counted and measured.

Behind these visible achievements lay an invisible order. Enterprise rested on saving; saving depended on restraint. Honest money was scarce, redeemable, and real. It connected effort to reward and production to value. The world was built by those who produced before they consumed. Credit, too, was a bridge between past work and future creation, not a source of perpetual motion. Money and goods moved in harmony: each note represented something earned,something built.

When nations laid railways or spanned oceans, they did so with capital saved by citizens. In other words, deferred pleasures were converted into steel and stone. Inventors like Watt and Edison advanced not speculation, but service. Their genius enriched the common life.

The free market was not yet a casino but an arena of usefulness, where prosperity followed contribution. And yes, profit was evidence of having met a genuine need.

By the dawn of the twentieth century, progress had become a landscape that was visible in telegraph poles, tramways, and electric light. It carried an almost moral confidence: that man, guided by reason and effort, could make the world better in substance, not merely in symbol. Henry Grady Weaver tells us that the mainspring of progress was not energy from coal or oil, but from man himself — his imagination disciplined by liberty.When he lost faith in that freedom, his machines outlived his spirit.

Hans-Hermann Hoppe reminds us in A Short History of Man that for most of human history, progress meant learning to act rationally within limits — to use intelligence, thrift, and cooperation to transform scarcity into sufficiency. It required discipline, prudence, and the willingness to live within limits.

The real advances of mankind—from cultivation to industry—were not the gifts of invention alone but of moral order: the discovery that property, family, and saving could bind effort to consequence and turn scarcity into sufficiency. Progress was an achievement of character before it was a measure of output. It was the steady improvement of life through virtues that bound action to consequence: thrift, property, responsibility, and the protection of what one built.

Yet, by the early twentieth century, this older meaning of progress—rooted in work, discipline, and the tangible improvement of life—was already beginning to fade. The moral foundations that once joined virtue to growth began to erode. The word itself was captured by a new creed—one that mistook abstraction for achievement, and motion for improvement.

Slowly, the means of creation turned into the means of speculation.

When Finance Replaced Production

The material age that had built bridges, ships, and power stations entered the twentieth century with unshaken faith in its own momentum. Yet beneath the surface, the structure of enterprise was already changing. The tools of finance— credit, capital markets, and accounting—were invented to fund production, but they began to evolve faster than the production they were meant to serve.

In the early industrial order, money and goods moved together. The banker was the steward of accumulated savings, and the stock exchange was a meeting place between the thrifty and the enterprising. Investment was a form of partnership between labor, invention, and capital. But as the century advanced, finance detached itself from its material foundations. Paper claims multiplied far beyond the stock of tangible goods. The abstraction that had once facilitated trade began to define it.

Two revolutions hastened this separation.

  • The first was monetary: the gradual abandonment of money’s anchor in real value. Convertibility yielded to confidence; credit creation replaced saving. As Hans-Hermann Hoppe observed, when money ceases to be anchored in real value, society’s time preference inevitably rises: the future is discounted, patience gives way to immediacy, and the long view of the builder yields to the short view of the trader.

  • The second revolution was institutional: the rise of corporations whose worth came to rest less on what they produced than on what others believed they were worth. Accounting, once the record of fact, became the medium of expectation.

By the mid-twentieth century, profits no longer required production in the traditional sense. Balance sheets could expand through debt; share prices could rise through mergers, acquisitions, and later, buybacks. Speculation in financial instruments grew to rival the industries whose securities they represented.

Murray Rothbard warned that such monetary inflation does not enrich society as a whole but transfers its substance—quietly and systematically—from producers and savers to those nearest the source of new credit. What appears as growth is, in truth, redistribution masked by rising prices and expanding balance sheets.

In the end, this transformation redefined what society meant by “growth.” The prosperity of the industrialist had once rested on his capacity to make and sell useful goods; the prosperity of the financier now depended on movement within the realm of symbols—interest rates, valuations, derivatives, and expectations. The appearance of wealth became a substitute for wealth itself.

The change also altered the time horizon of enterprise. A factory demanded years of patient investment, but a financial product could be invented and sold within weeks. The long view of the builder yielded to the short view of the trader. Markets rewarded agility, not durability. The capacity to arbitrage, restructure, or repackage assets came to be regarded as a higher skill than the slow work of design and manufacture.

In this environment, the language of production gave way to that of returns. Efficiency was redefined as the reduction of costs rather than the creation of value. Whole industries were re-engineered for balance-sheet optimization rather than technological advance. A company could shrink its workforce, outsource its factories, and still be celebrated for “unlocking shareholder value.” The metric of success was no longer what was built or improved, but what the market capitalization reflected.

The cultural prestige of finance rose in parallel. The banker and fund manager replaced the engineer and merchant as models of success. Economic life migrated from workshops to screens; from things to figures. Profit became an end in itself, divorced from the human activity that had once justified it. The purpose of enterprise—serving needs through production—was eclipsed by the perpetual pursuit of financial gain.

In this new order, even money lost its solidity. It became not the record of past effort but the anticipation of future policy. Credit creation, once a bridge between savings and investment, turned into a self-replicating process: new debt to sustain old, new liquidity to sustain valuations. Guido Hülsmann later described this as the moral hazard of fiat money. That is, a regime in which falsified measures of value erode the link between action and consequence, allowing entire societies to consume the illusion of wealth while their real capital quietly decays.

Indeed, the system could grow without building anything at all,so long as confidence held.

Thus the illusion took form. Finance, which had begun as the servant of production, became its master. The making of goods receded behind the making of prices. The expansion of credit came to be celebrated as progress, and the multiplication of paper wealth as proof of prosperity. The old sequence—save, invest, produce, profit—was inverted. What had once been a measure of achievement became the object of it. The world entered an era in which the acquisition of money, detached from material purpose, was mistaken for progress itself..

False Measures — Why GDP Misleads

The illusion of progress gained its most enduring disguise in the language of measurement. Numbers replaced judgment, and the gross domestic product became the supreme idol of economic life. Conceived in the 1930s to estimate wartime output and industrial capacity, GDP was never meant to represent human welfare or civilizational advancement. It counted production for the sake of mobilization, not prosperity. Yet over time, this emergency metric came to define progress itself.

GDP measures the speed of activity, not the value or purpose of what is done. It tallies every transaction as growth, whether it builds a bridge or bombs one, whether it cultivates soil or strips it bare. The cutting of a forest, the repair of its flood damage, and the lawsuits that follow each adds to the total. Destruction and recovery register as twin booms. As stupid as it sounds, in this arithmetic, a society may spend itself into apparent wealth.

As sober economists have noted, GDP’s blindness extends beyond moral and qualitative dimensions to structural ones. It measures the economy’s endpoints while ignoring the intricate chains of production that sustain them. As Mark Skousen observed, Gross Output—what he called “the top line” of national accounting—captures this hidden architecture, whereas GDP records only the “bottom line.” The result is a statistical mirage: activity looks healthy even as the capital structure deforms. Under easy credit, GDP swells not through productive depth but through monetary distortion, mistaking inflation and malinvestment for prosperity.

This illusion deepens because GDP cannot distinguish between creation and consumption, between genuine capital formation and the liquidation of the past. It registers motion, not meaning. When a company borrows to buy back its shares, GDP rises. When financial speculation multiplies without adding a single good or service, GDP rises again. In this way, the volume of transactions is mistaken for the creation of wealth.

Such aggregates seduce policymakers into believing the economy can be managed as a single machine. Friedrich Hayek called this the fatal conceit—the belief that dispersed human action can be guided through statistical dials. To raise GDP is easy: borrow, spend, inflate, and count. But what such policies expand in figures, they often destroy in substance. Bridges decay, real wages stagnate, and the living fabric of society is consumed to sustain the illusion of growth.

Where progress once measured improvement in the quality of life and institutions, it now measures only quantity and velocity. It is only an illusion sustained by policy and finance.

Under these false measures, even decline appears as progress. Disasters, bailouts, and wars can all lift the totals. A nation that borrows and spends beyond its means looks more “dynamic” than one that saves and repairs. The more financialized an economy becomes, the larger its reported growth—because it counts turnover and speculation as production itself.

Thus a tool once devised for administration has become a mask for deterioration. GDP cannot tell us whether we are advancing or merely accelerating toward exhaustion.

When Everything Becomes an Investment

In our time, almost nothing escapes the grammar of finance. What began as the detachment of money from matter has become the detachment of value from virtue. The vocabulary of capital now governs nearly every sphere of life: art becomes an asset class, education a credential market, food a vehicle for branding, and even leisure a form of competitive display. The very word investment has swollen to include every pursuit that promises advantage, whether or not it produces anything of worth.

Private equity is the purest expression of this new creed. Its tools—leverage, optimization, and exit—belong to a world where time has been conquered and consequence deferred. Businesses once built to last are now built to sell. The craftsman’s slow accumulation of goodwill is replaced by the manager’s quick extraction of yield. When every enterprise must justify itself through “enhanced shareholder value,” the distinction between stewardship and exploitation collapses. The result is not creation but conversion of substance into symbols, and of permanence into liquidity.

The same logic pervades the ordinary. Food, stripped of season and place, becomes a derivative of chemistry and logistics. Education, once a cultivation of understanding, becomes a debt-financed speculation on employability. The financialization of everything is not merely an economic development but a metaphysical one: it teaches us to see the world not as a trust to be tended but as a balance sheet to be managed.

Here lies the moral inversion of our age. Money, which was once the servant of purpose, has become its measure. The larger yacht, the faster airplane, the greater “net worth”—these are not symbols of abundance but of dislocation. They mark the distance between possession and peace. The pursuit of more has displaced the question of what it is for. And when a civilization forgets to ask that question, it continues to advance in technique while it declines in wisdom.

An honest investment policy for such a time cannot be built upon forecasts or leverage, but upon conscience. The real measure of return is endurance: what remains when the fashion has passed, what serves when speculation ends. Capital that sustains meaning—institutions, skills, and relationships—outlasts all that merely inflates price. To invest rightly is to align money with purpose, to treat gain as the servant of continuity rather than the substitute for it.

If there is to be progress again, it will come when we understand that it is not the endless acceleration of change but the maintenance of meaning through time. It is not a line on a graph that ascends, but a circle that endures.

Only when money measures service, and success is judged by what is built and preserved rather than what is traded or displayed, will progress cease to be an illusion—and become, once more, an achievement of character.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 18:40

FDA’s “Profound Revelation”: COVID Shots Killed At Least 10 Children, Stronger Vax Rules Coming

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FDA’s “Profound Revelation”: COVID Shots Killed At Least 10 Children, Stronger Vax Rules Coming

The Food and Drug Administration’s top overseer of vaccine policy on Friday told employees that at least 10 American children died “after and because of receiving” a Covid-19 vaccine. In a 3,000-word memorandum first reported by PBS, Dr. Vinay Prasad, director of the FDA’s vaccine division, also committed to implementing changes to the FDA’s evaluation of vaccine efficacy and safety, and encouraged dissenting employees to find a new job

“This is a profound revelation,” Prasad wrote. “For the first time, the US FDA will acknowledge that COVID-19 vaccines have killed American children.” Prasad said the conclusion about children dying from Covid-19 vaccines was reached after he and other FDA staffers undertook a multi-month, “detailed analysis of deaths voluntarily reported to the [Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System] system (VAERS).”

That effort focused on 96 deaths that occurred between 2021 and 2024, and said “no fewer” than 10 of them were caused by the vaccines. “If anything, this represents conservative coding, where vaccines are exculpated rather than indicted in cases of ambiguity. The real number is higher.” He added,

“It is horrifying to consider that the US vaccine regulation, including our actions, may have harmed more children than we saved. This requires humility and introspection.” 

A hematologist-oncologist and former Cal-San Francisco professor, Vinay Prasad is the nation’s top vaccine regulator (Kristyna Wentz-Graff / OHSU)

Prasad slammed the coercive nature of policies that insisted on Covid shots for children: 

“Healthy young children who faced tremendously low risk of death were coerced, at the behest of the Biden administration, via school and work mandates, to receive a vaccine that could result in death. In many cases, such mandates were harmful. It is difficult to read cases where kids aged 7 to 16 may be dead as a result of covid vaccines …

FDA has never requested the manufacturers demonstrate in randomized fashion that vaccinating children improves…outcomes. The available randomized data in children is deeply limited, and broadly negative for symptomatic infection, as discussed in prior ad-coms. Furthermore, COVID-19 was never highly lethal for children, and now MIS-c [Multisystem Inflammatory Syndrome in Children] has decreased drastically, and the harms, to kids, are comparable to many respiratory viruses for which we do not provide annual immunization.” 

Prasad — a hematologist-oncologist — was among several outspoken critics of the Covid-19 regime that moved into key public health posts after Trump took office in January. Others include Robert F. Kennedy, Jr as Health and Human Services secretary, Dr. Marty Makary as FDA commissioner and Dr. Jay Bhattacharya as Director of the National Institutes of Health. 

Friday’s memorandum emphasizes that VAERS likely understates vaccine-triggered mortality: 

“When it comes to vaccine deaths, VAERS is passively reported. It requires a motivated person, often a doctor, to submit the information. The submission process is tedious and most people who start the form give up along the way. Many more deaths may be unreported.” 

To minimize future vaccine-driven deaths, Prasad said the FDA “will take swift action regarding this new safety concern” and “will demand pre-market randomized trials assessing clinical endpoints for most new products.” Throughout the Covid-19 pandemic, Prasad repeatedly sounded alarms about public health interventions that were imposed without rigorous efforts to seek evidence of their risks and rewards. This has been a central theme in his body of work; he also authored a book, “Malignant: How Bad Policy and Bad Evidence Harm People with Cancer.” 

Prasad said the FDA will also “revise the annual flu vaccine framework,” which he called “an evidence-based catastrophe of low quality evidence.” He also acknowledged that “[FDA has] not been focused on understanding the benefits and harms of giving multiple vaccines at the same time.” He ended the memo by urging staffers who aren’t comfortable with the new approach to resign:

“I remain open to vigorous discussions and debate on these topics, as I have always been. I am open minded to modifications or alterations…Some staff may not agree with these core principles and operating principles. Please submit your resignation letters to your supervisor and CC my deputy Katherine Szarama…for those who choose to remain…I look forward to working with you.” 

Prasad’s pointed statement about vaccine-caused deaths comes ahead of this week’s meeting of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s vaccine committee. The draft agenda for the meetings on Dec 4 and 5 includes FDA policy on giving hepatitis B vaccines to newborn babies, and the entire children’s immunization schedule. The meetings are open to the public via live webcasts.  

It’s noteworthy that major media outlets that obtained a copy of Prasad’s memorandum have only provided short quotations from it, seemingly seeking to undercut Prasad’s assault on the Covid regime those same outlets unquestioningly supported. You can read the entire 3,000-word memo at The Brownstone Institute, a site originally launched to scrutinize Covid policies. 

Dr. Robert Malone, a Covid vaccine critic with credentials in mRNA technology, hailed Prasad’s memorandum as a historic milestone. “I am stunned, gobsmacked by his letter,” he wrote at Malone News. “The significance and importance of this letter in the context of US and global vaccine policy cannot be overestimated. This is a revolution, the likes of which I never expected to see in my lifetime. The Washington Post called me a liar for stating what is now official FDA policy and truth.” 

Of course, vaccines were just one of many public health policies of the Covid era that may have done far more harm than good. With a Pandora’s box of policy side-effects that include impaired child development, learning loss, a surge in mental breakdowns, soaring juvenile suicide attempts, increased drug and alcohol abuse, increased domestic violence and higher drug overdoses, it’s increasingly clear that, in its coercive, ham-handed approach to Covid-19, public health didn’t err on the side of caution, but rather erred on the side of catastrophe. 

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 18:05

South Park Roasts Americans Taking Saudi Money In Thanksgiving Special

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South Park Roasts Americans Taking Saudi Money In Thanksgiving Special

Via Middle East Eye

The makers of the popular satirical cartoon show South Park turned their sights on Saudi Arabia in their latest episode, attacking American media personalities, politicians and sporting events for taking money from the state. Titled Turkey Trot, the episode starts with Mayor McDaniels convening a meeting with local businesses trying to secure sponsorship for its annual Thanksgiving Turkey Trot race.

Struggling to find funds due to the economic crisis in the US, one character suggests there is someone “who’d be willing to give South Park a bunch of money”, adding “they’re giving money to everyone else”. The scene then cuts to a mock advert for the Turkey Trot, which features mock Arabic singing, shots of Saudi men dancing and a warning that “disparaging remarks towards the Saudi Royal family are strictly prohibited”.

That appears to be a reference to the recent Riyadh Comedy Festival, which Saudi Arabia hosted in September and October, and featured comedians including Kevin Hart and Dave Chappelle amid much criticism.

According to contracts for the event leaked by comedian Atsuko Okatsuka, performers had to abide by a list of conditions, which included agreeing not to disparage Saudi Arabia’s political leadership, religious values and legal system.

As the South Park episode develops, the show’s anti-hero Eric Cartman becomes an advocate for Saudi Arabia, eager to cash in on the Turkey Trot’s $5,000 prize. When his teammate Tolkien Black bows out of the race because “it doesn’t feel right”, Cartman takes on the challenge of changing his mind.

“They’re trying to be progressive, okay,” he argues. “You want them to go back to what they were doing?”

“You want Saudi Arabia to go back to cutting people up and paying Kevin Hart,” says Cartman. “Is that what you want?

“Them wanting to help pay for American things is good. Because, guess what, if Saudi Arabia is out paying for sporting events, they’re not out hacking up reporters and inviting Pete Davidson to come do comedy.” Cartman continues: “They allow women to drive! It’s like practically a lesbian utopia over there.”

Tolkien remains unconvinced despite Cartman’s arguments, which at one point include blaming him if Saudi Arabia resumes “stuffing journalists into suitcases”.

That reference is to the murder of Middle East Eye columnist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi agents in October 2017. Since Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman became the kingdom’s de facto ruler in 2017, Riyadh has diversified its investment interests to include sporting events and popular entertainment.

In entertainment, besides the Riyadh Comedy Festival, the country also hosts the Red Sea Film Festival, which opens next week and which regularly attracts Hollywood’s A list. In sports, the LIV Golf tour attracts some of the best golfers in the world and the Saudi Pro League features football stars including Cristiano Ronaldo, Neymar, Karim Benzema and Sadio Mane.

Performers and athletes are attracted to such events by industry-leading payments despite criticism that they are helping to sanitise Saudi Arabia’s reputation.

Not all big names are taking the criticism lightly and have defended their right to perform in Saudi Arabia. The most significant of these was the comedian Dave Chapelle, who argued that US critics lacked the moral standing to criticize his appearance in Saudi Arabia given the state of free expression in their home country.

“Right now in America, they say that if you talk about Charlie Kirk, that you’ll get cancelled,” Chappelle said during a performance in Saudi Arabia. “It’s easier to talk here than it is in America.”

Egyptian comedian Bassem Youssef argued that the criticisms of comedians appearing in Saudi Arabia made no sense given that the US was also accused of human rights violations and no one had objected to their appearances there.

In a follow-up video, Youssef reiterated his point. “My point was that America is in no position to lecture other countries about morality or human rights violations,” he said.

And in a reference to the Israeli war on Gaza, during which at least 69,000 Palestinians have been killed, he added: “It’s not just because of the funding and enabling of a live streamed genocide for two years. Although that’s a solid start.”

Tyler Durden
Sun, 11/30/2025 – 17:30