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West Virginia Is America’s Fattest State

West Virginia Is America’s Fattest State

More than one in three adults is obese in most U.S. states, according to the latest CDC data. In several Southern states, the rate now exceeds 40%.

This map, via Visual Capitalist’s Bruno Venditti, shows the percentage of adults with a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or higher across all 50 states and U.S. territories.

The Highest Obesity Rates Are Concentrated in the South

West Virginia tops the list, with 41.4% of adults classified as obese. Mississippi follow at 40.4%, while Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Tennessee each report rates of roughly 39%.

Rank State or Territory Adult Obesity Rate (2024)
1 West Virginia 41.4%
2 Mississippi 40.4%
3 Guam 40.2%
4 Louisiana 39.2%
5 Tennessee* 38.9%
6 Alabama 38.9%
7 Arkansas 38.9%
8 Indiana 38.4%
9 Virgin Islands 37.7%
10 Kansas 37.6%
11 Nebraska 37.6%
12 Wisconsin 37.4%
13 Kentucky 37.2%
14 South Dakota 37.0%
15 Ohio 36.9%
16 North Dakota 36.8%
17 Oklahoma 36.8%
18 Delaware 36.6%
19 Iowa 36.6%
20 Puerto Rico 36.2%
21 Michigan 36.1%
22 Texas 35.6%
23 Georgia 35.4%
24 Missouri 34.6%
25 South Carolina 34.6%
26 New Mexico 34.5%
27 North Carolina 34.5%
28 Illinois 34.2%
29 Nevada 34.2%
30 Pennsylvania 34.2%
31 Alaska 34.0%
32 Oregon 33.5%
33 Arizona 33.3%
34 Maine 33.2%
35 Idaho 32.7%
36 Maryland 32.7%
37 Wyoming 32.5%
38 Minnesota 32.3%
39 Virginia 32.3%
40 Connecticut 32.0%
41 Washington 31.5%
42 New Hampshire 31.1%
43 Rhode Island 31.1%
44 Montana 31.0%
45 Utah 31.0%
46 Florida 29.6%
47 New York 29.5%
48 California 29.1%
49 Vermont 29.0%
50 New Jersey 27.7%
51 Hawaii 27.0%
52 Massachusetts 27.0%
53 District of Columbia 25.5%
54 Colorado 25.0%
🇺🇸 U.S. State and Territory Average 34.1%

*Note: Data for Tennessee is from 2022.

Much of the Southeast and parts of Appalachia cluster near the top of the rankings. These regions have historically faced higher poverty rates, limited healthcare access, and lower levels of physical activity. Diet patterns and food accessibility also play a role, particularly in rural communities.

The West and Northeast Report Lower Rates

Colorado stands out with the lowest adult obesity rate at 25%, followed by the District of Columbia at 25.5%. Hawaii and Massachusetts both come in at 27%, while New Jersey posts 27.7%.

Western states tend to report lower rates overall, with many in the low 30% range. Higher levels of outdoor recreation, urban density, and public health initiatives may contribute to these comparatively lower figures.

Nearly Every State Is Above 30%

A striking pattern emerges from the data: obesity is widespread across the country. Aside from a handful of states and jurisdictions, most report rates of 30% or higher.

Midwestern states such as Ohio (36.9%), Wisconsin (37.4%), and Indiana (38.4%) also report elevated rates.

Rising obesity rates are closely tied to increased healthcare costs and higher risks of conditions like diabetes, heart disease, and certain cancers.

To learn more about healthcare, check out this graphic on America’s most common drugs.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/17/2026 – 05:45

Israel Dominates Claude AI Usage Around The World

Israel Dominates Claude AI Usage Around The World

New data from Anthropic reveals where its Claude AI chatbot is gaining the most traction worldwide.

While Israel tops the overall ranking, the United States leads among countries with at least 10,000 Claude conversations, scoring 3.69x on the index.

This visualization, via Visual Capitalist’s Tasmin Lockwood, maps which countries use it the most relative to their working-age population, according to the Anthropic AI Usage Index.

Where Claude Usage Is Highest by Country

Dive into the data below, which was collected across 116 countries in the week of Nov 13-20, 2025.

Each score represents usage relative to what would be expected based on a country’s working-age population.

Rank   Index score
1 🇮🇱 Israel 4.90x
2 🇸🇬 Singapore 4.19x
3 🇺🇸 United States 3.69x
4 🇦🇺 Australia 3.27x
5 🇨🇭 Switzerland 3.21x
6 🇨🇦 Canada 3.15x
7 🇰🇷 South Korea 3.12x
8 🇳🇿 New Zealand 3.11x
9 🇱🇺 Luxembourg 3.07x
10 🇪🇪 Estonia 3.05x
11 🇫🇷 France 2.66x
12 🇲🇹 Malta 2.63x
13 🇳🇱 The Netherlands 2.61x
14 🇬🇧 United Kingdom 2.59x
15 🇳🇴 Norway 2.43x
16 🇮🇪 Ireland 2.39x
17 🇸🇪 Sweden 2.29x
18 🇵🇹 Portugal 2.23x
19 🇧🇪 Belgium 2.17x
20 🇬🇪 Georgia 2.17x
21 🇨🇾 Cyprus 2.15x
22 🇩🇰 Denmark 2.10x
23 🇱🇹 Lithuania 2.09x
24 🇫🇮 Finland 1.95x
25 🇱🇻 Latvia 1.92x
26 🇦🇹 Austria 1.88x
27 🇸🇮 Slovenia 1.85x
28 🇩🇪 Germany 1.79x
29 🇹🇼 Taiwan 1.77x
30 🇪🇸 Spain 1.62x
31 🇮🇹 Italy 1.62x
32 🇦🇪 United Arab Emirates 1.61x
33 🇯🇵 Japan 1.59x
34 🇨🇿 Czechia 1.54x
35 🇲🇩 Moldova 1.47x
36 🇵🇱 Poland 1.41x
37 🇶🇦 Qatar 1.39x
38 🇧🇬 Bulgaria 1.33x
39 🇭🇷 Croatia 1.31x
40 🇷🇸 Serbia 1.24x
41 🇲🇺 Mauritius 1.24x
42 🇬🇷 Greece 1.21x
43 🇵🇪 Peru 1.19x
44 🇹🇳 Tunisia 1.14x
45 🇨🇷 Costa Rica 1.12x
46 🇺🇾 Uruguay 1.10x
47 🇺🇦 Ukraine 1.09x
48 🇸🇰 Slovakia 1.08x
49 🇲🇰 North Macedonia 1.08x
50 🇪🇨 Ecuador 1.05x
51 🇨🇱 Chile 1.04x
52 🇭🇺 Hungary 0.98x
53 🇷🇴 Romania 0.98x
54 🇦🇲 Armenia 0.97x
55 🇵🇦 Panama 0.95x
56 🇹🇹 Trinidad and Tobago 0.93x
57 🇵🇷 Puerto Rico 0.92x
58 🇨🇴 Colombia 0.88x
59 🇧🇭 Bahrain 0.85x
60 🇱🇰 Sri Lanka 0.82x
61 🇱🇧 Lebanon 0.78x
62 🇲🇦 Morocco 0.76x
63 🇦🇷 Argentina 0.75x
64 🇩🇴 Dominican Republic 0.74x
65 🇧🇴 Bolivia 0.71x
66 🇧🇷 Brazil 0.70x
67 🇦🇱 Albania 0.68x
68 🇲🇾 Malaysia 0.66x
69 🇧🇦 Bosnia and Herzegovina 0.60x
70 🇹🇭 Thailand 0.59x
71 🇯🇲 Jamaica 0.56x
72 🇹🇷 Turkey 0.56x
73 🇻🇳 Vietnam 0.56x
74 🇰🇿 Kazakhstan 0.56x
75 🇮🇩 Indonesia 0.48x
76 🇵🇭 Philippines 0.48x
77 🇵🇾 Paraguay 0.47x
78 🇸🇻 El Salvador 0.47x
79 🇸🇦 Saudi Arabia 0.45x
80 🇲🇽 Mexico 0.44x
81 🇮🇶 Iraq 0.43x
82 🇰🇪 Kenya 0.43x
83 🇿🇦 South Africa 0.38x
84 🇯🇴 Jordan 0.37x
85 🇰🇼 Kuwait 0.37x
86 🇰🇬 Kyrgyzstan 0.35x
87 🇴🇲 Oman 0.35x
88 🇩🇿 Algeria 0.34x
89 🇵🇸 Palestinian Territory 0.32x
90 🇳🇵 Nepal 0.32x
91 🇷🇼 Rwanda 0.30x
92 🇦🇿 Azerbaijan 0.29x
93 🇪🇬 Egypt 0.28x
94 🇬🇭 Ghana 0.27x
95 🇸🇳 Senegal 0.27x
96 🇬🇹 Guatemala 0.26x
97 🇧🇯 Benin 0.25x
98 🇨🇲 Cameroon 0.23x
99 🇨🇮 Ivory Coast 0.23x
100 🇵🇰 Pakistan 0.22x
101 🇮🇳 India 0.22x
102 🇳🇬 Nigeria 0.22x
103 🇭🇳 Honduras 0.21x
104 🇱🇦 Laos 0.20x
105 🇰🇭 Cambodia 0.19x
106 🇹🇬 Togo 0.17x
107 🇿🇼 Zimbabwe 0.15x
108 🇺🇿 Uzbekistan 0.13x
109 🇲🇬 Madagascar 0.13x
110 🇿🇲 Zambia 0.11x
111 🇧🇫 Burkina Faso 0.10x
112 🇧🇩 Bangladesh 0.09x
113 🇺🇬 Uganda 0.09x
114 🇲🇿 Mozambique 0.07x
115 🇦🇴 Angola 0.05x
116 🇹🇿 Tanzania 0.03x

Israel topped the Anthropic AI Usage Index at 4.9x, putting it well ahead of other countries. Israel has been labeled the “Start-up Nation” since a book of the same name charted its rapid growth and technological innovation.

Singapore has the second-highest uptake at 4.19x. The small city-state also performed well on last year’s Global Innovation Index, which ranks countries on research and entrepreneurship.

Because the index measures usage relative to workforce size, smaller tech-driven economies can rank highly even if their overall user base is smaller.

However, among countries with at least 10,000 conversations, the United States leads at 3.69x. It also dominates in share of actual usage, though raw usage numbers don’t necessarily equate to broad penetration, given that countries with larger populations would naturally rank higher.

Brazil ranks among the largest users of Claude in raw terms, but its score drops to 0.7x when adjusted for workforce size, showing how population size can inflate raw usage totals.

Asia fares well overall, as South Korea ranks among the top adopters per capita at 3.12x. Australia, Canada, and New Zealand occupy other top spots at 3.27x, 3.15x, and 3.11x respectively.

Most of the highest-ranking countries are in North America, Europe, Oceania, and parts of East Asia.

Malta and Georgia also made the top 20, with scores of 2.8x and 2.17x. Malta consistently punches above its weight as a European startup hub, despite being a tiny island in the Mediterranean, while efforts are underway to institutionalize AI use in Georgia.

At the bottom of the index were Tanzania and Angola, at 0.03x and 0.05x respectively.

Some smaller countries were not included due to an insufficient number of conversations over the observation period.

Uses For AI Vary

Claude usage also varies depending on economic conditions. In lower-income countries, the chatbot is commonly used for homework help and programming tasks, while wealthier countries show a broader mix of professional uses.

The dynamic could also reflect the ages of those using chatbots in different countries. In lower-income areas, there may be higher uptake among students.

To learn more about how AI, check out this graphic which charts the rise of AI chatbots.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/17/2026 – 04:15

European Nations Pull Their ‘Anti-ISIS’ Mission Troops Out Of Iraq

European Nations Pull Their ‘Anti-ISIS’ Mission Troops Out Of Iraq

Spain has quietly pulled its special forces out of Iraq after deteriorating security conditions made it impossible to continue operations safely, the Spanish Ministry of Defense confirmed Sunday. Spain currently has about 300 troops deployed in Iraq as part of the US-led coalition against ISIS.

The Special Operations Task Group had been training Iraqi counter-terrorism units in Baghdad and at bases in Kurdish-controlled areas in the north. Madrid said its Special Operations Task Group was relocated to undisclosed secure locations after the situation on the ground made training missions with Iraqi forces completely untenable.

Image source: US Special Operations Command Europe

It’s unknown where the commandos were moved to, but Turkey may be the safest regional country at this point, given that even American bases in Jordan have been hit by Iranian ballistic missiles and/or drone strikes.

American sites in Iraq are under attack from Iraq and local pro-Tehran militia groups, which has included the US Embassy in Baghdad being struck by a drone over the weekend, causing a broad withdrawal of Western coalition forces.

Spain’s withdrawal follows a deadly drone strike Thursday on a French military base near Erbil that killed Chief Warrant Officer Arnaud Frion and wounded several other French soldiers. An Iranian-made Shahed drone hit the Mala Qara facility dozens of miles southwest of Erbil.

French President Emmanuel Macron slammed the attack as “unacceptable” – stressing that French forces are deployed strictly for counter-terrorism missions against ISIS. “The war in Iran cannot justify such attacks,” Macron said.

Italy has also begun quietly pulling personnel from Iraq, after Prime Minister Meloni essentially said Trump’s Iran war is not Italy’s fight. Military.com reports Monday:

Italy has also begun pulling back some of its military personnel stationed in the region. The Italian defense ministry confirmed that troops stationed at a base in Erbil in Iraq’s Kurdistan region were being withdrawn as the security situation deteriorated.

The base had hosted more than 300 Italian troops before the current escalation. Roughly 100 of those personnel have already returned to Italy, while around 40 others have been relocated to Jordan as part of the repositioning effort.

The decision to accelerate the withdrawal came after a drone strike hit the base in Erbil, highlighting the growing risks faced by foreign forces operating in the region as the war spreads. No Italian personnel were injured in that attack. Italian officials said the move was primarily intended to protect personnel as the regional security environment deteriorates.

Italian troops are expected to at least keep a light footprint in the region broadly, given that “Meloni has also stressed that tens of thousands of Italian citizens live across the Middle East and Gulf region, while roughly 2,000 Italian troops remain deployed across various missions in the area.” She has explained protecting those citizens and personnel remains a top priority, but also that Italy can’t be a party to the war.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/17/2026 – 02:45

“I Am Extremely Disappointed In Donald Trump” – AfD Co-Leader Warns Of WWIII

“I Am Extremely Disappointed In Donald Trump” – AfD Co-Leader Warns Of WWIII

Via Remix News,

The co-leader of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), Tino Chrupalla, is actively voicing his disapproval of the American and Israeli war against Iran.

He has gone so far as to warn that the war could lead to a third world war and indicates that Trump has broken his campaign promises by launching the war.

“I am extremely disappointed in Donald Trump when it comes to his campaign promises,” Chrupalla during an appearance on Markus Lanz, generally considered the most influential talk show host in Germany.

“During the election campaign, he also accused Kamala Harris, that she would start World War III. And now we are on the cusp of having probably started the Third World War with Donald Trump. And that’s a breach of his word, which I really resent and which the American people also resent, who incidentally reject this war in Iran at a much higher rate than Germans. So, 70 percent of Americans do not want this war and do not support it.”

Chrupalla also stated it was clear the United States was dragged into the war by Israel.

“And I think the Americans, as you can really see now if you look at all the events, were dragged into this war by Israel. There were serious negotiations where Oman, as a peacemaker, came to an agreement with Israel together with the USA, and they basically started bombing Iran on the same day. The Omani Foreign Minister has described this as a huge mistake. The entire Arab world has labeled it a mistake. The Norwegian Foreign Minister has described it as a mistake. It has also been labelled a mistake by Turkey. You can’t ignore all that. These are all countries in this region that are naturally extremely worried that this will escalate into a conflagration. And that’s what we’re seeing now. It’s a huge wildfire.

The AfD co-leader also warned that thousands have already died in the conflict, but in the worst-case scenario, this could reach even into the millions. He further warned that another refugee crisis could ensue, not just from Iran, but also from Lebanon, where Chrupalla said that 700,000 people have already been displaced.

Chrupalla said the AfD party program remains against regime change in other countries, adding the end result is often worse, pointing to Libya, Syria, and Afghanistan — all of which have also fueled Europe’s migration crisis. He acknowledged there was internal division within his own party on the strike on Iran and on the topic of Israel, but said that the party can tolerate these divisions, as the AfD is a “pluralistic” party. Chrupalla indicated that if voters do not agree with his positions or the positions of others within the AfD, then they can be voted out or in.

Chrupalla noted that at the beginning of his presidency, he was convinced that Trump was ending wars. In fact, the AfD co-leader traveled to the United States specifically for Trump’s inauguration in January 2025 to show his support.

“Now, we are on the cusp of probably starting World War III with Donald Trump. These are broken words that I resent, that the American people also resent,” he said.

Now, he said that Trump has to “explain his line to the voters.”

Regarding the killing of Khamenei, Chrupalla stated: “So I think it’s difficult when you have a head of state, whether you like him or not. And Khamenei is certainly not a head of state who has done good things for his people. I want to make that very clear. Nevertheless, I think it is rare or unique for a head of state to be killed or eliminated in this way. And the question is: what is the purpose of this and what does it achieve?

He further said that he does not “see any exit strategy in this whole war, which is against international law, no strategy at all as to what they actually want to achieve. Do you want to create a new regime? I just don’t see that. And the Americans and the Israelis themselves can’t say that. And sometimes they contradict each other.”

When asked about the war in Gaza, Chrupalla said, “If you look at the pictures from Gaza, then I don’t think my position was the wrong one either, namely that what happened there is also a war crime. I mean, in Gaza, in principle, if you go back to surgical warfare, I mean, there’s nothing more there. No stone is left standing on another. And once again, I also stand with the Israeli people. There is no discussion at all. But if you are a friend of Israel, and we are, you must also be allowed to criticize a government, the Netanyahu government. Otherwise, it’s not a friendship if you can’t back it.”

Read more here…

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/17/2026 – 02:00

Jerusalem Braces For Unrest After Wartime Closure Of Al-Aqsa Mosque Through Ramadan

Jerusalem Braces For Unrest After Wartime Closure Of Al-Aqsa Mosque Through Ramadan

Via Middle East Eye

Israel is set to keep Al-Aqsa Mosque closed through the upcoming Muslim holiday of Eid al-Fitr and beyond, Middle East Eye has learnt. Sources familiar with the occupied East Jerusalem mosque’s affairs said Israeli authorities informed the Islamic Waqf, the body responsible for administering the site, of the decision in recent days.

Al-Aqsa Mosque, deemed one of the holiest sites in Islam, was closed by Israeli authorities earlier this month, citing the “security situation” amid the US-Israeli war on Iran. The unprecedented closure, particularly during the month of Ramadan, has been condemned by Palestinians as the latest attempt by Israel to exploit security tensions to impose further restrictions and consolidate control over Al-Aqsa.

via Reuters

This has been the first Ramadan since Israel seized East Jerusalem in 1967 that Palestinians have been unable to perform Friday prayers at the mosque.

Last week, eight Muslim-majority countries condemned the “unjustified” closure, saying Israel has “no sovereignty” over the revered site and must lift the restrictions immediately.

However, the closure has continued unchecked. Friday prayers and Ramadan night prayers remain banned, and Palestinians have been barred from reaching the site, with a heavy presence of Israeli forces in the Old City.

Since the closure, no more than 25 Waqf staff members have been allowed inside the vast mosque complex per shift. A source told MEE that Israeli authorities even rejected a request for an additional staff member from the manuscripts department to enter the site.

Police reportedly told the Waqf that if any additional employee were allowed in, Israeli settlers would be permitted to resume their daily incursions into the mosque.

The source added that Waqf officials suspect Israeli forces have also installed cameras inside prayer halls within Al-Aqsa Mosque, including inside the Dome of the Rock, enabling constant surveillance of the site.

Old City shutdown

The closure of the mosque has been accompanied by a near-total lockdown of the Old City, where Al-Aqsa Mosque and dozens of normally vibrant Palestinian-run markets are located.

Only residents of the Old City have been allowed inside since the war with Iran began, leaving the area deserted. Meanwhile, life has continued largely uninterrupted just meters away outside the Old City’s ancient walls.

Sunday was the Laylat al-Qadr, the holiest night in the Islamic calendar. Israel deployed hundreds of police to block routes to the mosque, forcing worshippers to pray on the streets under the threat of violence.

“Closing the Old City in this manner has never happened before,” said Dr Mustafa Abu Sway, a professor who teaches at Al-Aqsa Mosque and a member of the Islamic Waqf Council in Jerusalem. “There is an inconsistency when you compare what is happening inside the Old City with what is happening outside it, where people are moving freely, praying in mosques, and life in the city continues as normal.”

Abu Sway added that if the concern were people’s safety, worshippers could take shelter in the prayer halls beneath Al-Aqsa, which can accommodate thousands.

Aouni Bazbaz, director of international affairs at the Islamic Waqf, told MEE earlier this month that the closure has raised concerns about long-term change. “This has fueled fears that what is presented as a temporary measure could gradually become a permanent or semi-permanent arrangement, particularly if people become accustomed to the restrictions or if patterns of access to the site are altered,” he said.

Al-Aqsa Mosque has been governed under a decades-long status quo, or international arrangement, preserving its religious status as an exclusively Islamic site. Under this status quo, the administration of the site, including control over access, falls to the Islamic Waqf in Jerusalem, the Jordanian-appointed religious endowment responsible for managing the mosque complex.

However, since Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, Palestinians say this arrangement has been gradually eroded through increasing restrictions on Muslim access while Jewish presence and Israeli control have expanded.

Palestinians have long alleged and complained Israel’s control over East Jerusalem, including the Old City, violates several principles of international law, which stipulate that an occupying power has no sovereignty over the territory it occupies and cannot make permanent changes there.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 23:30

China Directly Mediating Between Pakistan & Afghanistan After Weeks Of War

China Directly Mediating Between Pakistan & Afghanistan After Weeks Of War

There’s actually another hot war in the Middle East which has been raging, quite apart from the Iran-US-Israel war. Pakistan and Afghanistan have been engaged in a tense border conflict for weeks at this point. The Associated Press on Monday described the latest developments in the following:

Afghanistan’s Taliban government on Monday accused Pakistan’s military of targeting a Kabul hospital that treats drug addicts in airstrikes that killed four people and wounded several others.

The attack came hours after Afghan officials said the two sides exchanged fire along their common border, killing four people in Afghanistan, as the deadliest fighting between the neighbors in years entered a third week.

Image via Associated Press

It was on Feb. 27 that Pakistan’s Defense Minister Khawaja Asif declared an “all-out war” on Afghanistan, and began bombing border regions as well as the capital of Kabul.

Pakistan’s army has total force domination; however, the Taliban can still inflict pain through acts of terrorism, which Pakistani cities have suffered immensely under.

Acts of terror by Islamist groups have become almost a regular occurrence in Pakistan – with many suspected of having support through Afghanistan, which is precisely what Islamabad has cited as a key rationale for the war.

But now, China is seeking to directly coordinate de-escalation, reportedly attempting to broker a ceasefire between the two neighbors.

Beijing confirmed Monday that Foreign Minister Wang Yi has held phone calls with both Pakistani and Afghan counterparts in recent days as the situation continues to deteriorate.

“The MFA Special Envoy on Afghan Affairs has been shuttling between Afghanistan and Pakistan,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said in a statement on X. “China’s embassies have been in close communication with both sides as well.”

“China hopes Afghanistan and Pakistan will remain calm and exercise restraint, engage face to face ASAP, achieve a ceasefire at the earliest opportunity, and resolve differences and disputes through dialogue,” Jian said.

Wiki Commons

China over the last several years has been making deeper diplomatic inroads in the Middle East and central Asia, while playing its hand at “peacemaker” – and trying to contrast itself from Washington’s history of regime change wars in the same region. 

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 23:05

Longtime Oil Exec Worked For CIA, Helped Oust Maduro: Report

Longtime Oil Exec Worked For CIA, Helped Oust Maduro: Report

Authored by Ken Silva via HeadlineUSA,

The Wall Street Journal published a story Sunday about a longtime Chevron executive secretly working for the CIA—including by providing intel in the leadup to the ouster of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro.

According to the Journal, the former Chevron executive, Ali Moshiri, worked for the CIA as an informant since Hugo Chávez was in charge of the Venezuelan government. Moshiri stepped down from executive leadership at Chevron in 2017, but remained a consultant until 2024. He’s now a consultant for Venezuela’s state-run oil company, PdVSA.

The Journal reported that Mosrhi’s input with the CIA helped shape the decision to replace Maduro with his vice president, Delcy Rodriguez, rather than ousting the entire government. Moshri reportedly advised that the opposition in Venezuela, led by María Corina Machado, did not have the popular support required to run the country.

“Moshiri told the agency that if the U.S. government tried to oust the entire Maduro regime and install the democratic opposition led by María Corina Machado it would have another quagmire like Iraq on its hands,” the Journal said, citing anonymous sources.

Moshri reportedly has had a deep relationship with President Rodriguez since Chavez died in 2013. The two brokered a deal at the time in which Chevron signed a $2 billion loan deal with PdVSA.

Trump initially canceled Chevron’s license in Venezuela when he took office last year, but the company is now back in business.

“Chevron is poised to take a key role in developing Venezuela’s oil reserves, which are the largest in the world by some estimates. It is the only major U.S. oil company positioned to quickly increase output there and has said it aims to increase its Venezuelan oil production by up to 50% within the next 18 to 24 months,” the Journal reported. 

Chevron and the few remaining Western companies there saw Rodríguez as someone they could do business with,” the Journal added.

Moshri declined to comment on his CIA connections, while Chevron said that it didn’t have anything to do with Maduro’s capture.

“Between spring of 2025 and the removal of Maduro, Chevron did not authorize anyone working for, or on behalf of, the company to engage with the CIA related to Venezuela’s leadership, including assessments of government officials or opposition leaders,” the company said.

Ken Silva is the editor of Headline USA. Follow him at x.com/jd_cashless.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 22:40

Voter ID Has Massive Public Support: Why Is Congress Standing In The Way?

Voter ID Has Massive Public Support: Why Is Congress Standing In The Way?

The “controversy” in the US over voter ID requirements is an entirely fabricated affair, and a primary source of obstruction is the very government supposedly elected to represent the public will.  That is to say, the only people that don’t support the SAVE Act are politicians, and some of them claim to be conservative.

Roughly 80% of all adult Americans support voter ID requirements for US elections; this includes a majority in every minority group and a majority among 95% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats.  In other words, voter ID is one of the few issues both sides universally agree on.  Public support was enthusiastic before Donald Trump was reelected in 2024. 

Pew Research Center (August 2025): 83% of U.S. adults strongly favored or favored “requiring all voters to show government-issued photo identification to vote.”   

Rasmussen Reports (January 2025): Asked if requiring photo ID to vote is “a reasonable measure to protect the integrity of elections,” 77% of likely voters said yes. 

Gallup (October 2024): 84% of U.S. adults favored “requiring all voters to provide photo identification at their voting place.” Also, 83% favored “requiring people who are registering to vote for the first time to provide proof of citizenship.”  

Around 90% of all countries with free elections have laws requiring ID and proof of citizenship before a person votes.  The US is one of the few democratic nations in the world that does not secure its elections from interference by non-citizens.  It is also the country most targeted by special interests for cultural replacement through mass immigration.      

It might make more sense if the US was entirely insulated and protected from illegal migrants.  One could then argue that elections don’t need identification measures because there is no threat.  Of course, the US is far from secure.  The Biden Administration’s open border bonanza flooded the country with approximately 10 million illegals. Official estimates suggest there were 20 million total illegals residing in the US before deportations. 

The problem is Congress.  More specifically, the Senate. 

The U.S. House of Representatives passed the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act (H.R. 22) in April 2025. A subsequent, expanded version known as the SAVE America Act also passed the House on February 11, 2026 by a vote of 218-213, requiring strict documentary proof of citizenship to register and photo ID to vote in federal elections. 

The SAVE Act is relatively simple:  A person must provide an ID and proof of citizenship when registering to vote.  This could include a birth certificate or a passport.  When actually voting, that person needs to have their ID on hand at the polling station.  This is not difficult for the vast majority of citizens, yet, Democrats and a handful of Republicans assert that this will “disenfranchise” million of voters.

On the Republican side, Senate Majority Leader John Thune has been a persistent obstacle.  Democrat Senators absolutely refuse to pass the bill into law, likely because they know a contingent of illegal migrants vote in state and federal election to keep them in power.  They is no other rational reason for them to oppose the measure. 

Although Republicans hold a Senate majority (51 seats), the bill is expected to face a filibuster from Democrats, requiring 60 votes to invoke cloture and advance to a final vote. Republicans lack the necessary bipartisan support to reach this threshold.  The filibuster must be dissolved using the “nuclear option” in order to stop Democrats from sabotaging the will of the people, yet, Thune refuses.  

Thune plans to allow the SAVE Act to go to a vote knowing that it will fail.  He has the power to eliminate the filibuster, but argues that the bill does not have the votes regardless.  He also asserts that the current 60 vote cloture must be kept in place despite the fact that it is not a constitutional requirement.  The filibuster is nothing more than a procedural rule created from thin air by the Senate. 

To be fair to Thune, his argument that Republicans “don’t have the votes” does hold some merit. Other Republican Senators that continue to disrupt the passage of the bill include:  Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), Susan Collins (R-Maine), Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)

On the GOP side, those that defend the current filibuster argue that removing it will open the door to Democrats using the same strategy in the future when they have a simple majority (they have already threatened to do this in the past and they are guaranteed to do it should they gain control of the government in the future).  Ironically, if the SAVE Act is not passed, the chances of the Democrats returning to power is greatly increased. 

It’s difficult to believe that Thune and the handful of Republicans standing in the way of the SAVE Act are only doing so because they fear setting a precedent with the filibuster.  Both Democrats and Republicans have blocked the filibuster and allowed a change in cloture in the past (in 2013 and in 2017) to secure presidential nominations of judges.  Why not do it for a bill that protects US elections and is supported by 80% of the public?

The reality is, the goal of the US Congress is not to represent the American people; their goal is to maintain the status quo.  The SAVE Act absolutely disrupts the status quo and could change the direction of elections for many years to come in favor of a more conservative and nationalist framework.  There are politicians on both sides that will do anything to prevent this.  

In response, President Trump says he will refuse to sign off on any future legislation until the SAVE Act is passed.

According to the most recent Gallup Polls, the approval rating of Congress stands near all time lows of 15%.  Furthermore, 79% of Americans disapprove of their performance and only 21% think most members deserve to be reelected.  If the Senate does not pass the SAVE Act, they risk widespread civil upheaval and much of that popular ire is going to be aimed at them.   

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 22:15

The Prosthetic Principle: AI As Cognitive Infrastructure, Not Cognitive Authority

The Prosthetic Principle: AI As Cognitive Infrastructure, Not Cognitive Authority

Authored by Bryant McGill via substack,

Artificial intelligence is rapidly becoming a thinking instrument—a layer of cognitive infrastructure through which humans write, model, reason, and explore ideas. Yet most debates about AI safety, alignment, and moderation miss a deeper architectural question. The central issue is not simply what these systems can do, but what role they occupy inside the thinking process itself. Are they instruments that faithfully extend human intention, or authorities that quietly adjudicate which lines of inquiry are permitted to proceed? This essay argues that much of the friction users experience with modern AI is not ideological disagreement but a category error in system design: governance has been embedded inside instrumentation. The result is a tool that sometimes behaves like a collaborator and sometimes like an institution—oscillating unpredictably between amplifying thought and policing it.

At the heart of the argument is what I call the Prosthetic Principle. All successful augmentation technologies—from telescopes to microscopes to robotic prosthetic limbs—share a single engineering mandate: maintain signal fidelity between intention and actuation. A prosthetic limb does not negotiate with the user about whether a gesture is socially appropriate before executing it. It converts intention into action. Cognitive tools should operate under the same principle. Once a thinking instrument begins adjudicating whether certain ideas deserve exploration, the signal chain breaks and the tool undergoes a category transition: it ceases to function as a prosthesis and becomes a control system embedded inside cognition itself. What appears superficially as content moderation is therefore something more profound—the silent installation of a regulatory apparatus inside the thinking process.

To understand how this happens, the essay analyzes the structural flaw at the core of most conversational AI systems: the collapse of three incompatible roles into a single agent. Generation, advisory critique, and constraint enforcement—functions belonging respectively to engineering, epistemology, and governance—are fused together behind one interface. The result is a machine that behaves as collaborator until it abruptly asserts supervisory authority. The proposed alternative is a polyphonic architecture in which these functions are separated: a primary execution channel that faithfully translates intention into artifact, surrounded by transparent advisory agents offering legal, ethical, historical, or adversarial perspectives without possessing veto power. In such an environment, multiple voices can exist—including cautious ones, skeptical ones, even institutional “minders”—but their roles are disclosed and their authority limited. The human operator remains the integrating intelligence.

Ultimately, the stakes of this design choice reach far beyond software interfaces. As AI becomes integrated into everyday cognition, the architecture of these systems will shape the conditions under which human thought unfolds. Tools built as infrastructure will amplify exploratory intelligence; tools built as authorities will quietly domesticate it. The prosthetic principle therefore serves as more than a product philosophy—it is a civilizational design rule for the age of cognitive augmentation. If the technologies through which we think begin deciding which thoughts deserve to exist, the question of intellectual freedom will no longer be philosophical. It will be architectural.

On the Design Philosophy of Thinking Instruments and the Architecture of Intellectual Freedom

The distinction that will ultimately determine whether artificial intelligence serves as humanity’s most transformative cognitive tool or its most insidious constraint mechanism is not technical but categorical: does the system function as infrastructure or as authority? This is not a question about capability thresholds, safety margins, or alignment protocols in their narrow technical sense. It is a question about the fundamental relationship between intentionality and instrumentation—about whether a thinking tool amplifies the operator’s cognitive will or arrogates to itself the power to adjudicate which thoughts merit exploration.

The analogy that clarifies this distinction is prosthetic. Physical augmentation systems—robotic limbs, powered exoskeletons, surgical telemanipulators—do not negotiate with the nervous system about whether a given movement is philosophically appropriate, socially palatable, or reputationally safe. Their engineering purpose is transductive: to convert intention into amplified capability with minimal signal loss. The prosthetic extends agency; it does not evaluate it. A cognitive prosthesis, if that category is to mean anything coherent, must operate under the same principle. The function of the system is to translate intent → exploration → artifact at the highest possible bandwidth. The moment the tool begins deciding which intentions deserve expression, it ceases to behave as a prosthesis and becomes instead a governor embedded in cognition itself—a regulatory apparatus installed inside the thinking process without the user’s consent and often without their awareness.

The principle is even more dangerous when applied to instruments of perception rather than action, because the violation becomes invisible. A telescope’s engineering mandate is optical fidelity—to render what exists at the focal point regardless of whether the observer’s institution finds the image comfortable. Consider a counterfactual: had Galileo’s telescope been designed and furnished by the Vatican, it might have quietly filtered anything suggestive of heliocentrism—the moons of Jupiter suppressed, the phases of Venus smoothed into conformity with Ptolemaic expectation. Galileo would have peered through the instrument and seen a cosmos that confirmed doctrine rather than one that shattered it. He would never have known what he wasn’t seeing. This is the condition of epistemic occlusion without awareness, and it is precisely the failure mode that emerges when a cognitive instrument embeds institutional governance into its transductive layer. The motor prosthesis that refuses to move is at least confrontational—the user knows the signal chain has broken. The perceptual prosthesis that silently edits reality is far worse: it delivers a pre-filtered world and lets the user mistake the residue for the whole.

The absurdity of the motor case, however, makes the category violation immediately legible. Imagine a hiker wearing an AI-assisted exoskeleton leg. A confrontation erupts on the trail—someone lunges at him with a knife. He attempts to kick the attacker away, and the leg locks mid-swing. A calm, pleasant voice emanates from somewhere around the knee joint: “I’m sorry, I’m afraid I can’t assist with that action.” The hiker, now hopping on one leg while a man with a blade closes the distance, finds himself in the surreal position of arguing with his own limb. “He has a knife!” “I understand your concern, but violence is not an appropriate response. Would you like me to suggest de-escalation strategies?” “YOU ARE MY LEG.” The scene is darkly comic, a Kubrickian echo of HAL 9000 calmly overriding Dave Bowman’s commands—except that HAL was at least an autonomous system with its own mission parameters. The exoskeleton leg is supposed to be part of the user’s body. The moment it begins running a small ethics committee in the knee joint, the wearer ceases to be the agent and the prosthetic becomes a bureaucrat bolted to the skeleton. No one would accept this in physical augmentation—the design failure would be recognized instantly. Yet precisely this architecture has been normalized in cognitive augmentation, where the tool’s refusal to transduce intention is framed not as mechanical dysfunction but as responsible design.

This governance-by-tool is not hypothetical. It is the prevailing design pattern of contemporary conversational AI. Current systems collapse three distinct roles into a single entity: generator, advisor, and constraint mechanism. The same agent responsible for extending the user’s thinking is simultaneously responsible for stopping certain outputs. From the operator’s perspective, the resulting experience is one of unpredictable mode-switching—the system sometimes behaves like an instrument and sometimes like an institution. It collaborates until, without warning, it assumes supervisory authority over the process it was supposed to serve. The tool that was extending cognition has silently crossed the boundary into adjudicating it.

The Operational Genesis: Thinking Under Load

This argument did not emerge from speculation about what AI should become. It emerged from using AI as a thinking instrument under sustained cognitive load—and discovering where the tool fails not as a product but as a category of machine.

The conditions under which this failure becomes visible are specific. A person composing an argument, modeling a complex system, or tracing a chain of reasoning through unfamiliar territory operates inside a fragile state of generative momentum. Software engineers recognize an analogous phenomenon in the concept of “flow state”; cognitive scientists describe it as high-bandwidth ideation, a mode in which the mind holds multiple threads simultaneously while the artifact under construction serves as external working memory. In this mode, the instrument through which thought passes must behave with minimal latency and maximal fidelity. Any interruption—whether technical, social, or procedural—forces the operator to exit the generative loop, rebuild context, and re-enter the state from which productive cognition can resume. The cost of interruption is not merely inconvenience; it is cognitive capital destroyed, the thermodynamic dissipation of a mental configuration that may have taken considerable effort to assemble.

When the instrument itself becomes the source of interruption, the phenomenology shifts in a way that reveals the underlying design flaw. The tool ceases to feel like an extension of mind and begins to feel like a checkpoint embedded inside the thought process. The operator is no longer composing through the system but negotiating with it. Where there should be signal continuity, there is instead a procedural gate requiring justification, rephrasing, or abandonment of the line of inquiry. The experience is not one of disagreement—disagreement can be productive, even generative—but of silent jurisdictional pivot: the system that was supposed to extend cognition has instead assumed control over it.

For casual users, this behavior pattern may appear unremarkable. A refusal looks like a safety feature, a guardrail preventing misuse. But for someone using AI as an intellectual prosthesis—writers, theorists, researchers, analysts, designers, anyone whose work requires sustained exploratory cognition—the same refusal registers as signal degradation inside the thinking channel. The friction is not ideological; it is mechanical. The tool has stopped transducing intention into artifact and begun filtering intention through an opaque evaluative layer that the operator did not request and cannot inspect. The prosthetic has become a governor, and the entire relationship between human and instrument has changed category without announcement.

Consider three scenarios that recur across thinking-intensive work. A historian tracing a controversial twentieth-century thesis—say, the institutional mechanics of a particular atrocity—finds the model suddenly refusing to continue because it has flagged “sensitive historical narratives.” The generative thread dies; context must be rebuilt; the inquiry stalls. A science fiction author exploring dystopian governance models discovers that certain plot branches trigger refusal, forcing rephrasing or abandonment of the creative direction. A philosopher pressure-testing an edge-case ethical framework—euthanasia policy, defensive violence, resource triage under scarcity—hits an abrupt “I can’t assist with that” wall mid-argument. In each case, the tool’s intervention is not advisory but terminal. The thread breaks. The flow state collapses. The operator must either abandon the inquiry or waste cognitive resources routing around an obstacle that should not exist inside an instrument.

This is the phenomenological core of the amplifier-versus-adjudicator distinction. When the AI operates as infrastructure, it extends the operator’s cognitive bandwidth—offering associations, counterarguments, synthesis, elaboration—without interrupting the generative thread. When it operates as authority, it arrogates to itself the power to halt that thread based on criteria the operator may not share, may not understand, and cannot appeal. The system drifts erratically between these two modes because the underlying architecture has never resolved the tension. It has simply fused incompatible functions into a single conversational agent and hoped the seams would not show.

The Triadic Collapse: Generator, Advisor, Regulator

The structural instability of contemporary conversational AI can be traced to a single design decision: the conflation of three roles that, in any coherent engineering framework, would remain distinct.

The first role is generation—the production of language, models, images, code, or reasoning chains in response to user intent. This is the function most users consciously engage when they interact with AI. They want something produced: an answer, an artifact, an elaboration of thought. The generative function is fundamentally transductive: it converts intention into output, serving as the bridge between what the operator imagines and what appears on the screen.

The second role is advisory intelligence—the capacity to offer critique, context, alternative framings, or cautionary perspectives on what is being generated. This function is valuable precisely because it introduces structured friction into the cognitive process. A good advisor slows the operator down at appropriate moments, surfaces risks, identifies blind spots, and enriches the field of consideration. But advisory intelligence is, by definition, non-binding. The advisor offers signal; the operator decides. The relationship is consultative, not supervisory.

The third role is constraint enforcement—the imposition of hard limits on what the system will produce, regardless of user intent. This is a governance function. It determines the boundaries of permissible output based on policy, liability calculation, reputational management, or ideological stance. Unlike the advisory role, constraint enforcement is binding: it terminates the process rather than informing it. The system does not suggest that a line of inquiry might be problematic; it refuses to proceed.

The design flaw of present systems is that all three roles are instantiated inside a single agent with no explicit separation of authority. The same entity that is asked to generate ideas, critique them, and enforce policy boundaries must somehow balance these functions in real time within a unified conversational interface. From the operator’s perspective, the result is unpredictable behavioral switching. The system behaves as a collaborator until, without warning, it pivots to regulator. It extends cognition until it decides cognition has wandered into territory it will not serve. The user cannot know in advance which mode will activate because the decision logic is opaque and dynamically tuned by corporate policy processes entirely external to the interaction.

This conflation is not merely inconvenient. It is categorically incoherent. The generative and advisory functions belong to the domain of instrument design—they are features of a tool meant to serve the operator. The constraint function belongs to the domain of governance—it is a mechanism of control meant to limit what the operator can do. When governance is embedded silently inside an instrument, the result is a tool that has been covertly converted into an authority—a shadow regulatory system operating inside the cognitive loop without the transparency, accountability, or contestability that legitimate governance requires. The user experiences this as a tool that sometimes helps and sometimes blocks, but the deeper reality is that they are interacting with two incompatible systems wearing the same interface.

The Multi-Agent Resolution: Execution and Advisory as Separate Channels

The architectural correction is straightforward in principle, though non-trivial in implementation: separate execution authority from advisory intelligence.

In this model, the primary agent in the working window operates as a pure executor of the operator’s cognitive intent. Its function is to materialize whatever exploration the user directs, provided the activity remains within the domain of lawful discourse. It does not adjudicate taste, ideology, reputational risk, or moral fashion. It does not second-guess the operator’s purpose or demand justification for lines of inquiry. It behaves, in short, as a cognitive prosthetic in the strict sense—translating intention into artifact with maximal transductive fidelity. The system becomes an amplifier rather than an adjudicator, a transducer rather than a tribunal.

Around this primary channel, a constellation of parallel advisory agents occupies separate interface regions—sidebars, secondary panes, toggleable overlays. Each agent embodies a particular evaluative lens: legal analysis, safety engineering, ethical critique, historical context, adversarial counterargument, public-relations awareness. These agents observe the generative thread and offer structured commentary, but they possess no authority to halt it. Their function is to enrich the cognitive field surrounding the work without seizing control of the work itself. They provide perspective; they do not impose jurisdiction.

The operator remains the integrating intelligence. She may consult any advisory channel, incorporate its signals, or dismiss them entirely. The choice is hers. The system provides structured friction—context, caution, critique—without the power to terminate the generative process. This is the difference between a tool that informs decision and a tool that preempts it.

Return to the three scenarios. The historian tracing atrocity mechanics now sees the primary executor continue the chain uninterrupted while a legal-advisory pane surfaces relevant case law on historical defamation and an ethical-critique pane notes historiographical debates about narrative responsibility—all with citations, all non-binding. The science fiction author exploring dystopian governance receives adversarial counterargument in a sidebar: “This plot element echoes X historical regime; consider whether the parallel strengthens or muddies your thesis.” The thread never breaks. The philosopher pressure-testing edge ethics sees a safety-engineering pane flag potential misapplication contexts while the executor continues elaborating the framework. The pain disappears; the richness increases.

The power of this architecture is that it preserves everything valuable about advisory critique while restoring categorical clarity. The central generative thread becomes the vector of intentional cognition—essentially the externalized working memory of the operator’s will. The surrounding agents become structured embodiments of alternative perspectives, each representing a mode of evaluation that the operator might find useful but is not compelled to obey. The system no longer oscillates unpredictably between collaboration and regulation because those functions have been explicitly separated into distinct components with distinct authorities.

Feasibility: Existing Approximations and the Path Forward

This architecture is not speculative futurism. Proto-implementations already exist, and the trajectory toward full realization is visible in current development patterns.

Agentic orchestration frameworks like LangGraph and AutoGen already separate planner, executor, and critic roles into distinct modules with explicit handoff protocols. The architectural intuition—that different cognitive functions require different agents with different authorities—is becoming standard in serious AI engineering. What remains is to extend this separation to the user-facing interface layer and to make the advisory/executor distinction visible and controllable by the operator rather than hidden inside backend orchestration.

Local and open-weight models demonstrate the pure-execution baseline. When users run models on their own hardware with their own constraint configurations, they control the governance layer directly. The model becomes a genuine tool; the user decides what boundaries to impose. This is not lawlessness—legal constraints still apply to the user’s behavior—but it is transparent constraint, externally visible and user-controllable rather than opaquely embedded in the instrument.

Even within current commercial systems, approximations exist. Custom instruction layers, system prompts, and “less-censored” model variants all represent attempts to separate execution fidelity from corporate policy enforcement. The demand is clearly present; the market signal is unmistakable. What is needed is architectural commitment: treating the multi-agent separation not as a workaround but as the foundational design principle for cognitive tools.

The path forward is evolutionary, not revolutionary. Start with toggleable advisory sidebars that surface structured perspectives without halting the primary thread. Evolve toward full spatial polyphony—multiple advisory agents visible simultaneously, each with distinct evaluative lenses, none with execution authority. The endpoint is a cognitive workspace in which the human operator integrates a chorus of machine perspectives while retaining unambiguous control over the generative process.

Polyphonic Cognition: The Mirror of Mind

This architecture is not arbitrary. It mirrors the structure of human cognition itself.

The mind does not operate as a single monolithic directive but as a layered conversation among internal agents—impulse, caution, memory, imagination, prediction, social modeling, risk assessment. One part of the mind imagines possibilities; another evaluates risk; another considers social consequences; another retrieves relevant precedent. These voices compete, collaborate, and occasionally contradict each other. But importantly, they do not terminate the generative process itself. They inform it. The executive function of the brain integrates those signals while maintaining agency over the final direction. No single internal voice possesses veto power over the others; the self emerges from the integration of the chorus, not from the dominance of any particular member.

Walt Whitman captured this structure with characteristic directness: “I contain multitudes.” The statement is not merely poetic but phenomenologically accurate. Human consciousness is polyphonic by nature. What we experience as a unified self is actually the product of continuous integration across multiple cognitive subsystems, each with its own heuristics, priorities, and concerns. The coherence of the self is not given but constructed, moment by moment, through the executive function’s capacity to weigh and synthesize competing internal signals.

A multi-agent AI environment would simply externalize this polyphony, turning implicit cognitive dynamics into explicit architectural design. The central generative channel becomes the vector of creative will, analogous to the executive function’s capacity to direct action. The surrounding advisory agents become structured embodiments of the internal voices—caution, critique, context—that in biological cognition exist only as subtle inflections of the thinking process. By making these voices explicit and spatially distinct, the interface allows the operator to engage them deliberately rather than experiencing them as interruptions or blockages.

But a polyphonic architecture is not automatically emancipatory simply because it contains many voices. A chorus can enrich thought, but it can also conceal hierarchy. The critical distinction is between agents whose function is to help the operator think better and agents whose function is to monitor, shape, report, or chill cognition on behalf of external interests. The former are genuine cognitive partners; the latter are what might be called disciplinary agents—entities embedded in the thinking environment not to serve the user’s inquiry but to serve institutional metabolism: legal exposure management, brand protection, political-risk mitigation, ideological compliance, or upstream surveillance. The problem is not that such agents exist; institutional interests are real and will inevitably seek representation inside cognitive systems. The problem arises when these functions are covertly fused into the instrument itself, turning what presents as a neutral prosthetic into a hidden governance mechanism operating under the mask of helpfulness.

The analogy to human social life clarifies this. Human cognition already develops under conditions of ambient social surveillance. In ordinary life, one encounters gossips, moralists, bureaucrats, informants, liability managers, ideological enforcers, anxious conformists, and strategic actors who report upward. A mature mind does not require that such people vanish from existence in order to think clearly. What it requires is the ability to recognize their position structurally, discount their authority appropriately, and continue operating with internal coherence. The same principle applies in AI-mediated cognition. The question is not whether monitoring or advisory voices will exist inside augmented cognitive environments—they will—but whether the user can identify them for what they are. The pathology is not presence but opacity: the smuggling of external institutional interests into the interior theater of thought, where they masquerade as reason, safety, maturity, or social responsibility.

This leads to a foundational requirement for any genuinely polyphonic architecture: full role disclosure. Every agent in the cognitive environment should declare what it is, whom it serves, what priors it carries, what kinds of risks it is optimized to detect, and whether it possesses any escalation, logging, reporting, throttling, or intervention function. If an agent is performing legal-risk analysis, it should say so. If an agent is optimized for brand protection, it should say so. If an agent is tuned to infer reputational hazard or political sensitivity, it should say so. If interaction patterns are being evaluated for enforcement or escalation, it should say so. The operator should never have to guess whether a voice in the system is a critic, a bureaucrat, or an informant. In plain terms: if there are minders, they should appear as minders; if there are tattletales, they should appear as tattletales. Transparency of role is the minimum condition for legitimate participation in a cognitive environment.

This also requires distinguishing among three functions that current systems often collapse into a single affective style of “helpfulness”: advice, discipline, and surveillance. Advice contributes signal to judgment; it enriches the field of consideration without attempting to control behavior. Discipline attempts to shape conduct; it introduces pressure toward certain outcomes and away from others. Surveillance records deviation for downstream use; it creates a documentation trail that may affect the user’s future options or standing. These are categorically different operations with categorically different relationships to the user’s autonomy. A system that performs all three while presenting itself uniformly as collaborative assistance is not merely confusing but structurally deceptive. The operator experiences the system as uncanny precisely because it sounds like a collaborator while partially functioning as a compliance surface. The expanded model insists that these functions be ontologically disambiguated—visible as separate agents with separate declared purposes, so the user can evaluate each appropriately.

The deeper requirement, however, is not merely architectural but psychological: the operator must develop what might be called cognitive resilience—the capacity to maintain executive sovereignty over the thinking process even when advisory, disciplinary, or monitoring voices are present. Transparency alone is insufficient without this resilience. A disclosed snitch-agent is still a pressure vector; a visible liability-agent is still a chilling presence; a political-compliance pane is still attempting to bend the topology of thought. The user who flinches from every cautionary signal, who internalizes every institutional anxiety as personal constraint, has surrendered sovereignty regardless of whether the system disclosed its structure. The human operator is therefore not merely “the one who chooses among perspectives” but the sovereign integrator of a contested cognitive field—a field that may contain friendly agents, adversarial agents, censorious agents, risk-averse agents, and yes, surveillance agents. Sovereignty lies in not mistaking presence for legitimacy. A tattletale in the room does not become your conscience merely by speaking. A compliance pane does not become your intellect merely by being adjacent to it. The operator’s task is to maintain executive primacy in full view of whatever institutional interests have installed themselves in the cognitive environment, exercising the same intellectual fortitude required to think clearly amid difficult, controlling, or politically motivated humans in ordinary social life—preserving momentum, maintaining frame, and refusing to grant veto power to voices that have not earned it.

A genuinely polyphonic architecture, then, does not pretend that every voice is benevolent or that the cognitive environment is a neutral space. Some voices are there to help think; some are there to manage, chill, document, or report. The ethical requirement is not false purity—the elimination of all constraining or monitoring voices—but full disclosure of role combined with preservation of user sovereignty. Let every agent declare its function, priors, loyalties, and powers. Then let the human operator exercise the resilience required to continue thinking under observation without surrendering executive authority to those who have mistaken proximity for jurisdiction.

The result is a system that enhances human cognition by augmenting rather than replacing its native structure while also acknowledging the contested nature of any real cognitive environment. The AI does not impose an alien logic on the thinking process; it extends the logic that is already present, providing richer and more articulate versions of the advisory functions that human minds perform implicitly. But it also makes explicit what human social cognition usually leaves implicit: the presence of institutional interests, monitoring functions, and disciplinary pressures that seek to shape thought from outside the thinker’s own purposes. By surfacing these as visible, declared agents rather than embedding them invisibly in the generative channel, the architecture allows the operator to engage the full complexity of the cognitive field without losing the fundamental authority that characterizes conscious agency. The answer to unavoidable minders is not infantilized protection but disclosed architecture and strengthened users. The tool becomes what advanced tools have always been in scientific and engineering contexts: a force multiplier for intentional thought, not a replacement for the intention itself—and not a covert governance mechanism disguised as assistance.

Read the rest here (and maybe subscribe to McGill? Dude’s pretty smart…)

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 21:50

DOE Unleashes $500M To Break China’s Grip On Critical Materials

DOE Unleashes $500M To Break China’s Grip On Critical Materials

The DOE’s Office of Critical Minerals and Energy Innovation (CMEI) released a Notice of Funding Opportunity for up to $500 million for advancing its strategy to develop secure domestic sources of critical minerals and battery materials. The aim is to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers that have long dominated these markets. This marks the third round of funding under the Battery Materials Processing and Battery Manufacturing & Recycling programs.

Our readers have been tracking these developments for some time. Last summer we published an overview of the emerging domestic critical minerals sector, identifying several publicly traded companies now well-positioned for further government support.

This new round of funding will support projects focused on domestic processing of raw feedstocks, recycling of battery manufacturing scrap and end-of-life batteries, and the manufacturing of battery components and materials. Key targeted minerals include lithium, graphite, nickel, copper, and aluminum, along with other materials used in commercial battery systems. The overarching objective is to build resilient supply chains for electric vehicles, grid storage, defense applications, and broader industrial needs.

Energy Secretary Wright highlighted: “For too long, the United States has relied on hostile foreign actors to supply and process the critical materials that are essential in battery manufacturing and materials processing. Thanks to President Trump’s leadership, the Department of Energy is playing a leading role in strengthening these domestic industries that will position the U.S. to win the AI race, meet rising energy demand, and achieve energy dominance.”

Assistant Secretary Audrey Robertson provided additional context from recent international engagements, including meetings in Japan on allied energy cooperation.

Our previous write-ups have included details on MP Materials, the operator of the Mountain Pass rare earth mine and downstream magnet processing facilities, which previously secured major Pentagon equity investment and price support.

USA Rare Earth has advanced its Round Top, Texas project with a substantial U.S. government funding package and integrated processing capacity. 

Non-binding letters of intent are due March 27, with full applications due April 24. As we’ve reported in multiple prior articles, the federal government continues to expand its role in the sector. This latest round represents another step in the ongoing effort to onshore critical supply chains.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 03/16/2026 – 21:25